Page 1 Page 2 Page 3 Page 4 Page 5 Page 6 Page 7 Page 8 Page 9 Page 10 Page 11 Page 12 Page 13 Page 14 Page 15 Page 16 Page 17 Page 18 Page 19 Page 20 Page 21 Page 22 Page 23 Page 24 Page 25 Page 26 Page 27 Page 28 Page 29 Page 30 Page 31 Page 32 Page 33 Page 34 Page 35 Page 36 Page 37 Page 38 Page 39 Page 40 Page 41 Page 42 Page 43 Page 44 Page 45 Page 46 Page 47 Page 48 Page 49 Page 50 Page 51 Page 52 Page 53 Page 54 Page 55 Page 56 Page 57 Page 58 Page 59 Page 60 Page 61 Page 62 Page 63 Page 64 Page 65 Page 66 Page 67 Page 68 Page 69 Page 70 Page 71 Page 72 Page 73 Page 74 Page 75 Page 76 Page 77 Page 78 Page 79 Page 80 Page 81 Page 82 Page 83 Page 84 Page 85 Page 86 Page 87 Page 88 Page 89 Page 90 Page 91 Page 92 Page 93 Page 94 Page 95 Page 96 Page 97 Page 98 Page 99 Page 100 Page 101 Page 102 Page 103 Page 104 Page 105 Page 106 Page 107 Page 108CH APTER 1 33 first three interviews in 1992, 1994, and 1996 (McClellan 1998). Persons who had some form of health event (acute, chronic, or decline in functional ability) between 1992 and 1994 were about twice as likely to be out of the labor force in 1994 and 1996 compared with persons who did not experience a significant health event. The combination of an acute health event (such as a heart attack or stroke) and a decline in functional ability greatly elevated the likelihood of labor force withdrawal. Having both an acute event and a loss of functional ability between 1992 and 1994 reduced the chances of working in 1994 by 400 percent. Only a very small fraction of those who had both an acute event and a loss of functional ability between 1992 and 1994 had reentered the labor force by 1996 (see also Woodbury 1999). In a separate study of HRS data from 1992 through 2000, Coile (2003a) examined the effect of the onset of a heart attack or stroke, accompa- nied by new difficulty in performing four activities of daily living, on remaining in the labor force. The analysis showed that men were 40 percent more likely and women 31 percent more likely to leave the labor force than they would have been without a health event. An important dimension of household behavior following a health event is the response of the spouse, and previous research has been unable to account for this behavior. The HRS’s collec- tion of detailed data for both husbands and wives permits study of this area, such as the response involving the spouse’s decision to work. Because a negative health event may diminish the family’s income position, a spouse’s decision to reduce employment could exacerbate the situation. How- ever, analysis of data from 1992 through 2000 indicates that a major health event does not produce a major change in spouses’ labor force participation. If a working person experiences a major health event, his or her spouse is not likely to begin or increase labor force participation to offset the income loss. This suggests that a health event causes real financial losses for the family, although these losses are offset to some extent by government disability insurance benefits. It also suggests that many people are underinsured against disability. Disability and Physical Functioning Ongoing interests in aging research include the trend in disability status among older individuals and people’s transitions into and out of disability states. A number of studies in the United States FIG. 1-11 limitation in instrumental activites of daily living, by age: 2002 One or More IADL Limitations Receive Help with IADL(s) Not Driving 55-64 65-74 75-84 85+ 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% WOMEN 55-64 65-74 75-84 85+ 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% MEN Note: Percent not driving at ages 55-64 is zero.